(博讯北京时间2007年6月16日 来稿)
我们知道古代奴隶制的丑陋，知道殖民者贩卖黑奴的冷血，知道早期资本主义压榨童工的贪婪，然而，在奴隶制、贩奴、童工早已成为千夫所指的二十一世纪，在自豪地炫耀大国崛起和五千年文明的中国，在天天宣讲“以人为本”、“和谐社会”的胡温亲民秀中，中国的山西却出现了大规模“黑窑童奴”，震惊海外。 (博讯 boxun.com)
《南方周末》记者笑蜀震惊于山西奴工事件，写下《山西奴工事件本质上是一场叛乱》，开篇就是：“山西奴工规模之大，持续时间之长，令人瞠目，令人气结！自认为自己的想象力并不差，尤其对黑暗的想象力并不差，对丑恶的想象力并不差，但黑暗到了这样极端的地步，丑恶到了这样极端的地步，仍然是自己做梦都不曾料到的。”
是的，人的行善，大都不会超出人类的想象力；而人的作恶，每每让人类的想象力不及。特别是生活在野蛮制度下的人，他们的为恶经常会让人惊叹：难以想象！
而中国，这个世界上人口最多、文盲最多、非正常死亡最多的国家，超出想象力的罪恶太多了，以至于，中国人已经没有想象力了，也不会再惊叹了！
中国的污染最重、枪毙人最多、大型矿难最多、强行堕胎最严重，已经无法刺激人们的神经了；
中国的侵犯知识产权最严重、假冒劣质品最多、食品最不安全，已经见怪不怪了；
中国的农民最多而农民却没有失业保险、医疗保险、养老保险，已经熟视无睹了；
中国的官僚人数最多、官员权力最大、官场最腐败，已经几千年一贯制了。
现在，中国人惊叹的是，中国已经崛起了，以人为本了，走向和谐了，步入历史上从未有过的盛世了，也将举办世界上最成功的2008年北京奥运了。
再看山西“童奴”之罪。
“童奴”的来源是非法贩卖、拐骗和绑架，有的“童奴”就是地方劳动监察部门卖给砖场的。
被劫掠的“童奴”大都是十五六岁的孩子，最小年龄只有八岁。他们被切断与外界的所有联系，彻底失去了自由。
“童奴”们被强迫卖苦力的黑窑，大都依山而建，三面土山，一面出口，出口处都有多条狼狗把守，监工和包工头也住在出口处，以防逃跑。大门一锁，监工居高临下、一目了然。
“童奴”被强制作工的时间是每天19个小时（早5点－午夜12点），一日三餐都是冷馍、凉拌包心菜或萝卜，三个月吃不到肉；睡在工棚的地上，多月不洗头、不洗澡，甚至不洗脸，虱子遍身。
为了防止“童奴”黑夜逃跑，入夜后监工就锁住工棚大门。整整一夜，“童奴”夜间的吃喝拉撒，全在黑暗的工棚里，腥臊味冲天。他们个个蓬头垢面、伤痕累累，有人还穿着沾满尘灰、破烂不堪的校服。
拐骗时许诺每月800元工资，但直到这些“童奴”被解救时，他们没有拿到分文。获救的姓朱童奴获救时，砖场补发了三百元的微薄工资，却遭官员没收。
“童奴”稍有怠慢，就会或皮鞭或棍棒或砖头加身，许多人被暴打致傻或致残，甚至有多名“童奴”被殴打致死。2007年春节前后，窑厂两位工人被监工殴打致死。河南电视台都市频道记者暗访时，甚至从当时埋尸的工人口中听说，在埋掉他们时，两个人似乎还有呼吸。
这样的人间地狱，存在了不是一年两年，而是历时数年。难道当地政府毫不知情？
这样的“童奴”，不是几人，而是上千人。那么多父母寻找失踪孩子的告示，难道还不足以引起当地公安部门的高度关注？
在数年的时间里，地方官员犯下如此骇人听闻的渎职罪，为什么中央政府毫不知情和毫无作为？
如果不是失踪孩子的父母们执着寻找，恐怕这罪恶至今仍然不为人知。
别跟我说是黑窑主贪婪得灭绝了人性，没有公权力的默许和配合，决不会有如此大规模的当代“童奴”。
也别跟我说是地方政府的隐瞒，如果不是中央政府全力维护的谎言制度和信息垄断，那么，在信息传递如此便捷的互联网时代，那么长时间的大规模犯罪怎么可能不为人知？没有不把人当人的制度及其政府，就不会发生如此令人发指的违法犯罪行为。
一个至今没有学会敬重生命和维护人权的独裁政权，一个至今还把维持垄断权力作为第一要务的寡头集团，不可能珍惜包括孩子们在内的国人生命。君不见，震惊海内外的山西“童奴”事件曝光后，大陆媒体的新闻头条仍然是中共寡头们，也仍然是弘扬主旋律的正面报道。
所以，特别是不要跟我说，这桩骇人听闻的罪恶曝光后，胡锦涛、温家宝等高官震惊了，迅速作出严厉指示了，营救“童奴”的行动全面展开了。如果胡温真的被惊动了，那也决不是基于对罪恶本身的震惊，而是基于抹黑了胡温形象的震怒。
毛泽东不会为土改杀人、三反五反杀人、反右杀人、大跃进饿死几千人而震惊，否则的话，他不会制造文化大革命的浩劫。
邓小平不会为毛泽东的罪恶震惊，否则的话，他决不会动用全副武装的军队屠杀手无寸铁的学生和平民；
江泽民不会为邓小平的大屠杀震惊，否则的话，他决不会制造镇压法轮功的人权灾难。
胡锦涛不会为毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民的罪恶震惊，否则的话，他决不会至今还膜拜毛、邓的亡灵，还把江的三个代表挂在嘴边。
独裁权力是冰冷的，眼睛只盯着乌纱帽的大小官员，不可能是温暖的。
故而，千万别跟我说“黑窑奴童”惊动了胡温！
2007年6月15日于北京家中（《观察》2007年6月15日）
Thursday, June 21, 2007
刘晓波：就“黑窑童奴”向胡温中央问责
(博讯 boxun.com)
作者：刘晓波 文章来源：观察 更新时间：6/21/2007
自从胡温上台以来，屡屡发生本该被消除在萌芽中的公共灾难演化为震惊海内外的重大公共危机。比如，2003年的SARS危机，2005年的松花江水危机，2006年多起有毒食品和假药引发的公共安全危机。之所以如此，大都源于独裁体制下的中央政府的隐瞒或不作为。如果没有良知者通过难以完全封杀的互联网对危机真相的揭露，逼迫胡温中央不得不作出反应，后果将不堪设想。在此意义上，互联网真是上帝送给中国民众进行自我维权的最好礼物。
具体到此次黑窑童奴案。尽管，黑窑童奴案曝光后，15日胡温作出批示。20日温家宝主持国务院会议，听取山西黑窑事件调查处理初步情况的汇报，山西省省长做了检查。然而，胡温中央决不能以地方政府的错误来推卸责任，难道那些地方大员不是中央政府任命的吗？是，中央政府就要承担相应的责任。或者说，欲根治“黑窑童奴”，必先根治官员的冷酷；欲治官场，必先改革从来没有尊重生命和人权的独裁制度。
胡温中央更不能以“地方隐瞒”或“不知情”来卸责。因为，仅从知情不为的做派上看，胡温中央仍然脱不了干系。
早在今年3月8日，河南郑州市民羊爱枝未满16岁的孩子王新磊失踪。为了寻找儿子，羊爱枝去派出所报案，没有结果；她走了上百个网吧，张贴数千张寻人启事，还是毫无结果。
3月底，羊爱枝与河南孟县的另一位丢失孩子的家长一起去山西寻找孩子。在运城、晋城、临汾，母亲甚至长跪在砖窑厂门前，询问孩子的下落。她跑了100多家窑厂，没有找到孩子，却发现了惊人的黑窑秘密。4月初，羊爱枝等六位孩子失踪的家长一起再次前往山西寻子，没结果。
5月9日，河南都市频道记者付振中与六位家长们一道赶往山西，他用摄像机偷偷记录下黑窑惨状，并以“罄竹难书，惨绝人寰”为题进行了电视报道，闻讯前往电视台求救的家长居然超过1000人。与此同时，上百位家长前往山西寻找孩子。
6月5日，河南的“大河论坛”出现一个题为《罪恶的“黑人”之路！孩子被卖山西黑砖窑400位父亲泣血呼救》的帖子。在帖子中，400位河南籍父亲叙述了骇人听闻的事实：他们的孩子被人贩子或诱骗或绑架，卖到山西的黑砖窑做苦工，山西临汾市、永济市是窑场比较集中的地方。
6月11日，羊爱枝给总理温家宝发出了紧急求救信，发出一位母亲的泣血呼喊：“救出我们被魔鬼哄骗、绑架，而生活在地狱中的孩子吧！”
与此同时，媒体开始大规模聚焦“黑窑童奴”事件。
6月15日，胡锦涛和温家宝等高官才作出批示，中华全国总工会书记处书记、纪检组长张鸣才赶到山西，对黑窑案的查处进行督促、调查。劳动保障部也派员前往山西调查黑窑非法用工情况。山西省委书记张宝顺和省长于幼军才发出指示，在全省开展“打击黑窑主，解救拐骗民工”专项行动。
从3月8日到6月15日，三个多月的时间里，父母们的自发寻找，河南电视台的曝光，400位父亲的网上求助，居然没有引起中央政府的注意!
更有甚者，胡温中央的知情不为的时间，不是三个月而是将近一年。据《潇湘晨报》6月19日《人大代表与山西黑砖窑较量9年 曾上书总理》的报道指出，早在1998年，湖南省石门县新关镇人大主席、省人大代表陈建教已与山西、河北等多个地方的黑砖窑展开较量，解救出数百名被困的民工，其中也有多名童奴。当陈建教先生经过长期的孤军奋战而感到无能为力时，他想到了求助于胡温中央。2006年9月8日，他直接写信给温家宝总理，为了从总体上解决黑窑奴工问题，建议中央政府在全国开展一次整治“黑砖厂”的行动，全面解救被囚禁的民工。他在信中直言：“这些‘黑砖厂’难道当地政府、公安、劳动部门不知道吗？我想他们应该都清楚，就西姬砖厂而言，就曾出现好几起通过当地公安部门、劳动部门解救民工事件，如此虐待民工的‘黑砖厂’无人过问，我想其中的原因可能是说不清道不明吧！”
如果中央政府对这位省人大代表的上书迅速作出反应，违法犯罪的黑窑奴工就能够提前得到治理，即便无法完全根治，起码能引起社会舆论的关注，让童奴少受近一年的虐待，使被拐骗、被绑架的孩子减少，官黑勾结的犯罪也能得到一定遏止。然而，这位省人大代表的上书如石沉大海，没有得到温家宝或中央政府相关部门的任何回音。
胡温中央如此对待一位省人大代表的上书，在引发海内外震惊的黑窑奴工案曝光后，胡温中央难道不应该出面向受害者道歉认错吗？中央政府对省级人大代表的态度尚且如此轻慢，他们如何对待毫无权势的平民就不待多言了。
胡温上台以来，最爱表演的就是“亲民秀”， 废除收容遣送、改变应对SARS的决策，人权写进宪法、免农业税，走乡串户，替民工讨薪、为农民卖桃、下矿井中过三十、穿旧旅游鞋、多次为民间疾苦流泪……通过垄断媒体的年年讲、月月讲、天天讲，胡温多少还积累点亲民的形象。然而，亲民是脸上的和电视镜头前的，而冷酷是骨子里的、黑箱决策中的。因为，他们毕竟是现行寡头独裁集团的首脑，他们一定要把维护独裁权力和特权结成的既得利益放在首位，而不可能把主流民意、生民疾苦和社会公益放在首位；他们也一定要把突出政绩、展示伟光正形象作为媒体的首要任务，而不可能让媒体变成专门挑刺的无冕之王；此次“黑窑奴童”罪恶的曝光，再次戳穿了胡温的问责诺言和亲民神话。
2007年6月21日于北京家中（《观察》2007年6月21日）
作者：刘晓波 文章来源：观察 更新时间：6/21/2007
自从胡温上台以来，屡屡发生本该被消除在萌芽中的公共灾难演化为震惊海内外的重大公共危机。比如，2003年的SARS危机，2005年的松花江水危机，2006年多起有毒食品和假药引发的公共安全危机。之所以如此，大都源于独裁体制下的中央政府的隐瞒或不作为。如果没有良知者通过难以完全封杀的互联网对危机真相的揭露，逼迫胡温中央不得不作出反应，后果将不堪设想。在此意义上，互联网真是上帝送给中国民众进行自我维权的最好礼物。
具体到此次黑窑童奴案。尽管，黑窑童奴案曝光后，15日胡温作出批示。20日温家宝主持国务院会议，听取山西黑窑事件调查处理初步情况的汇报，山西省省长做了检查。然而，胡温中央决不能以地方政府的错误来推卸责任，难道那些地方大员不是中央政府任命的吗？是，中央政府就要承担相应的责任。或者说，欲根治“黑窑童奴”，必先根治官员的冷酷；欲治官场，必先改革从来没有尊重生命和人权的独裁制度。
胡温中央更不能以“地方隐瞒”或“不知情”来卸责。因为，仅从知情不为的做派上看，胡温中央仍然脱不了干系。
早在今年3月8日，河南郑州市民羊爱枝未满16岁的孩子王新磊失踪。为了寻找儿子，羊爱枝去派出所报案，没有结果；她走了上百个网吧，张贴数千张寻人启事，还是毫无结果。
3月底，羊爱枝与河南孟县的另一位丢失孩子的家长一起去山西寻找孩子。在运城、晋城、临汾，母亲甚至长跪在砖窑厂门前，询问孩子的下落。她跑了100多家窑厂，没有找到孩子，却发现了惊人的黑窑秘密。4月初，羊爱枝等六位孩子失踪的家长一起再次前往山西寻子，没结果。
5月9日，河南都市频道记者付振中与六位家长们一道赶往山西，他用摄像机偷偷记录下黑窑惨状，并以“罄竹难书，惨绝人寰”为题进行了电视报道，闻讯前往电视台求救的家长居然超过1000人。与此同时，上百位家长前往山西寻找孩子。
6月5日，河南的“大河论坛”出现一个题为《罪恶的“黑人”之路！孩子被卖山西黑砖窑400位父亲泣血呼救》的帖子。在帖子中，400位河南籍父亲叙述了骇人听闻的事实：他们的孩子被人贩子或诱骗或绑架，卖到山西的黑砖窑做苦工，山西临汾市、永济市是窑场比较集中的地方。
6月11日，羊爱枝给总理温家宝发出了紧急求救信，发出一位母亲的泣血呼喊：“救出我们被魔鬼哄骗、绑架，而生活在地狱中的孩子吧！”
与此同时，媒体开始大规模聚焦“黑窑童奴”事件。
6月15日，胡锦涛和温家宝等高官才作出批示，中华全国总工会书记处书记、纪检组长张鸣才赶到山西，对黑窑案的查处进行督促、调查。劳动保障部也派员前往山西调查黑窑非法用工情况。山西省委书记张宝顺和省长于幼军才发出指示，在全省开展“打击黑窑主，解救拐骗民工”专项行动。
从3月8日到6月15日，三个多月的时间里，父母们的自发寻找，河南电视台的曝光，400位父亲的网上求助，居然没有引起中央政府的注意!
更有甚者，胡温中央的知情不为的时间，不是三个月而是将近一年。据《潇湘晨报》6月19日《人大代表与山西黑砖窑较量9年 曾上书总理》的报道指出，早在1998年，湖南省石门县新关镇人大主席、省人大代表陈建教已与山西、河北等多个地方的黑砖窑展开较量，解救出数百名被困的民工，其中也有多名童奴。当陈建教先生经过长期的孤军奋战而感到无能为力时，他想到了求助于胡温中央。2006年9月8日，他直接写信给温家宝总理，为了从总体上解决黑窑奴工问题，建议中央政府在全国开展一次整治“黑砖厂”的行动，全面解救被囚禁的民工。他在信中直言：“这些‘黑砖厂’难道当地政府、公安、劳动部门不知道吗？我想他们应该都清楚，就西姬砖厂而言，就曾出现好几起通过当地公安部门、劳动部门解救民工事件，如此虐待民工的‘黑砖厂’无人过问，我想其中的原因可能是说不清道不明吧！”
如果中央政府对这位省人大代表的上书迅速作出反应，违法犯罪的黑窑奴工就能够提前得到治理，即便无法完全根治，起码能引起社会舆论的关注，让童奴少受近一年的虐待，使被拐骗、被绑架的孩子减少，官黑勾结的犯罪也能得到一定遏止。然而，这位省人大代表的上书如石沉大海，没有得到温家宝或中央政府相关部门的任何回音。
胡温中央如此对待一位省人大代表的上书，在引发海内外震惊的黑窑奴工案曝光后，胡温中央难道不应该出面向受害者道歉认错吗？中央政府对省级人大代表的态度尚且如此轻慢，他们如何对待毫无权势的平民就不待多言了。
胡温上台以来，最爱表演的就是“亲民秀”， 废除收容遣送、改变应对SARS的决策，人权写进宪法、免农业税，走乡串户，替民工讨薪、为农民卖桃、下矿井中过三十、穿旧旅游鞋、多次为民间疾苦流泪……通过垄断媒体的年年讲、月月讲、天天讲，胡温多少还积累点亲民的形象。然而，亲民是脸上的和电视镜头前的，而冷酷是骨子里的、黑箱决策中的。因为，他们毕竟是现行寡头独裁集团的首脑，他们一定要把维护独裁权力和特权结成的既得利益放在首位，而不可能把主流民意、生民疾苦和社会公益放在首位；他们也一定要把突出政绩、展示伟光正形象作为媒体的首要任务，而不可能让媒体变成专门挑刺的无冕之王；此次“黑窑奴童”罪恶的曝光，再次戳穿了胡温的问责诺言和亲民神话。
2007年6月21日于北京家中（《观察》2007年6月21日）
Reports of Forced Labor Unsettle China
June 16, 2007
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
SHANGHAI, June 15 — Su Jinduo and Su Jinpeng, brother and sister, were traveling home by bus from a vacation visit to Qingdao during the Chinese New Year when they disappeared.
Cheated out of their money when they sought to buy a ticket for the final leg of the journey home, their father, Su Jianjun, said in an interview, they were taken in by a woman who provided them with warm shelter and a meal on a cold winter night. She also offered them a chance to earn enough money to pay their fare by helping her sell fruit.
The next thing they knew, however, they were being loaded onto a minibus with several other children and taken to a factory in the next province, where they were pressed into service making bricks. Several days later, the boy, 16, escaped along with another boy and managed to reach home. A few days later, Mr. Su was able to rescue his daughter, 18.
This story and many others like it have swept China in recent days in an unfolding labor scandal in central China that involves the kidnapping of hundreds of children, most in their teens but some as young as 8.
The children, and many adults, reportedly, have been forced to work under brutal conditions — scantily clothed, unpaid and often fed little more than water and steamed buns — in the brick kilns of Shanxi Province.
As the stories spread across China this week, played prominently in newspaper headlines and on the Internet, a manhunt was announced midweek for Heng Tinghan, the foreman of one of the kilns, where 31 enslaved workers were recently rescued.
Mr. Su said his children were brought to the factory around midnight of the day they vanished. Once there, they were told they would have to make bricks. “You will start working in the morning, so get some sleep, and don’t lose your bowls, or you will have to pay for them,” he said the children were told. “They also charged them 50 renminbi for a blanket.” That is equivalent to about $6.50.
Mr. Su managed to recover his children after only a matter of days at the kiln, but many other parents have been less fortunate, losing contact with children for months or years. As stories of forced labor at the brick kilns have spread, hundreds of parents have petitioned local authorities to help them find their children and crack down on the kilns.
In some cases, according to Chinese news media reports, parents have also come together to try to rescue their children, placing little stock in the local authorities, who are sometimes in collusion with the operators of the kilns. Other reports have said that local authorities, including labor inspectors, have taken children from freshly closed kilns and resold them to other factories.
The director of the legal department of the Shanxi Province Worker’s Union said it was hard to monitor the kilns because of their location in isolated areas.
“Those factories are located in very remote places and most them are illegal entities, without any legal registration, so it is very hard for people outside to know what is going on there,” said the union official, Zhang Xiaosuo. “We are now doing a province-wide investigation into them, both the legal and illegal ones, to look into labor issues there.”
Liu Cheng, a professor of labor law at Shanghai Normal University, had a different explanation. “My first reaction is that this seems like a typical example of a government-business alliance,” Mr. Liu said. “Forced labor and child labor in China are illegal, but some local governments don’t care too much.”
Zhang Xiaoying, 37, whose 15-year-old son disappeared in January, said she had visited over 100 brick factories during a handful of visits to Shanxi Province in search of him.
“You just could not believe what you saw,” Ms. Zhang said in a telephone interview on Thursday. “Some of the kids working at these places were at most 14 or 15 years old.”
The local police, she said, were unwilling to help. Outside one factory, she said, they even demanded bribes.
“We finally got into that place, and I saw people hauling carts of bricks with great difficulty,” Ms. Zhang said. “Some of them were very small, and the ropes they pulled left tracks of blood on their shoulders and backs. Others were making bricks, standing by the machines.
“They had to move the bricks from the belt very quickly, because they were hot and heavy and they could easily get burned or hurt by the machines.”
By Friday, with the help of Mr. Su, Ms. Zhang finally located her son at a kiln near the one to which Mr. Su’s children had been taken.
Another father, Cai Tianliang, said he had set out to Shanxi Province in May from his native Henan Province in search of his missing 19-year-old son after a local television broadcast had shown a team of television reporters and Henan parents searching the Shanxi kilns for kidnapped children.
“I thought there was a great possibility that my son was also kidnapped, so I went there twice,” Mr. Cai said. “The usual thing is for an owner to have more than one factory, and to shift people without identification from one place to another.”
On his first trip, which he took with a group of parents, Mr. Cai said he found few clues. On a second visit to the area, he said, he was refused police permits to enter any of the brick factories but persisted anyway.
“We located a place called the Zhenjie Brick Factory in a town called Chengbei, and at first they would not allow us in,” he said, “but we kept negotiating. Finally, they let a few of us in, and they found my son inside.”
Like many other parents, Mr. Cai said he was dumbfounded by the boy’s condition when they were reunited.
“My son was totally dumb, not even knowing how to cry, or to scream or to call out ‘Father,’ ” he said. “I burst into tears and held him in my arms, but he had no reaction. He was in rags and had wounds all over his body. Within three months he had lost over 10 kilos,” about 22 pounds.
Mr. Cai said he tried to rescue a 16-year-old boy he found there, but was refused by the factory boss. “He said I could only take my own,” Mr. Cai said, “and must leave other people behind at the kiln.”
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/16/world/asia/16china.html?pagewanted=print
Fast-Growing China Says Little of Child Slavery’s Role
June 21, 2007
Memo From Shanghai
Fast-Growing China Says Little of Child Slavery’s Role
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
SHANGHAI, June 20 — There is a certain ritualistic aspect to stories in China like the one this past week about the hundreds of people, many of them teenagers or even younger, who were forced to work under slavelike conditions in the brick kilns of Shanxi Province. First, Chinese readers are horrified by a picture of their country that many say they hardly recognize, then a villain is rounded up, and finally, after a torrent of unusually blunt and emotionally charged news reports and editorials, the matter drops from view, ensuring that the larger issue goes unresolved.
The villain in the case was Heng Tinghan, the manager of the brick works, who was arrested Saturday and promptly cemented his bad-guy image by protesting that it was a “fairly small thing” to beat and abuse underage workers, and to deprive them of pay. With his arrest, and the urging of the Central Office of External Communication of the Communist Party, the story then died away. But Chinese newspapers are constantly peppered with accounts of the death and injury of child laborers, and of disputes that arise because of unusually low wages, or the withholding of pay, with no region of the country exempted.
Just within a week or so of the brick kiln story, there were several reports of labor abuses against children. A 14-year-old boy was killed in an explosion while filling a tank with napthalene at a chemical factory near Nanjing. A 15-year-old boy was dragged into a cotton gin and crushed to death in Nanchang after working a succession of 20-hour days. And 70 girls from rural Henan Province were brought by their teacher to work at a grape processing plant in Ningbo, where their hands bled from working 16-hour shifts.
From the densely packed factory zones of Guangdong Province to the street markets, kitchens and brothels of major cities, to the primitive factories of China’s relatively poor western provinces, child labor is a daily fact of life, experts here say, and one that the government, preoccupied with economic growth, has traditionally turned a blind eye to.
“In order to achieve modernization, people will go to any ends to earn money, to advance their interests, leaving behind morality, humanity and even a little bit of compassion, let alone the law or regulations, which are poorly implemented,” said Hu Jindou, a professor of economics at the University of Technology in Beijing. “Everything is about the economy now, just like everything was about politics in the Mao era, and forced labor or child labor is far from an isolated phenomenon. It is rooted deeply in today’s reality, a combination of capitalism, socialism, feudalism and slavery.”
Under President Hu Jintao, the Communist Party has made the creation of what it calls a harmonious society the government’s main watchword. As part of that effort, in fact, a major revision of laws governing the rights of children took effect just this month, prompting the country’s vice premier, Wu Yi, to call their adoption “a festive present for the mainland’s 300 million children.”
Chinese labor market experts say, however, that the country remains far from achieving even the spirit of the new law, which mandates that adequate time be set aside for sleep, entertainment and sports. In fact, many say, an overwhelming emphasis on economic growth directly contradicts it.
This was underscored by another story that emerged the same week the kiln factory abuses were revealed. Students from the Dayin Middle School in Sichuan Province, in China’s interior, complained in newspaper reports about a work-study program in which they were shipped to an electronics assembly plant hundreds of miles away, in the industrial boomtown of Dongguan, which is near the coast.
The students told about having to work 14-hour days, with mandatory overtime, and having their wages withheld. In some instances, they said, those who wished to quit the program had no way of telephoning their families or paying for transportation home.
“My daughter promised to call every week, but she’s been gone for three weeks and has only called once,” said Zhang Ronghua, the mother of a 15-year-old Sichuan student. “She said that she wants to come home, that she’s worked from 8 a.m. to 11 p.m. and that she’s constantly busy and tired.”
Yuan Guangyao, the deputy manager of the factory, defended his company’s arrangement with the school. “This internship is a form of cooperation between our company and the school, or rather with the county,” he said. “I’ve been to that county myself, and I found the local people were very poor, so this initiative of having students work here is a win-win strategy for both of us.”
But many of the parents see a different picture, suspecting that the factory and the school are profiting at their children’s expense.
Liu Kaiming, a longtime researcher on labor conditions in Guangdong Province, where Dongguan is, said the employment of students who were paid low wages and forced to work overtime was commonplace. “In Dongguan, you can even see children of 12 and 15 working in toy factories,” he said. “These kids are basically from adjacent, underdeveloped provinces and they are brought by their teachers. There are laws forbidding child labor, but for work-study programs there are no specific rules, and no limitations on age, working hours or job description.”
Other experts said local officials were reluctant to take any steps that would impede economic growth. Traditionally, high growth rates and social stability have been the main criteria for promotion of local officials, and in relatively poor regions providing employment, even for youths, is seen as contributing to these goals.
Indeed, in the Shanxi brick kiln case, the owner of the factory that was the focus of most of the media attention was a local Communist Party leader.
Local officials also take advantage of overlapping jurisdictions to evade responsibility. In Sichuan Province, the local officials said they had no say over working conditions negotiated between the school and the factory.
Officials at the provincial labor bureau in Guangdong Province said that labor arrangements made by a school should be regulated by the Education Ministry. The ministry did not respond to telephone calls or faxed questions on the matter.
“Each department or ministry only cares about itself,” said Jin Yingjie, a labor law expert at China University of Political Science and Law. “If the law concerns its own interest, it will make an effort to apply it. But when an issue involves the intersection of more than one department, they tend to shirk responsibility.”
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/21/world/asia/21china.html?ei=5087%0A&em=&en=2b3c410c0be879bb&ex=1182657600&pagewanted=print
Memo From Shanghai
Fast-Growing China Says Little of Child Slavery’s Role
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
SHANGHAI, June 20 — There is a certain ritualistic aspect to stories in China like the one this past week about the hundreds of people, many of them teenagers or even younger, who were forced to work under slavelike conditions in the brick kilns of Shanxi Province. First, Chinese readers are horrified by a picture of their country that many say they hardly recognize, then a villain is rounded up, and finally, after a torrent of unusually blunt and emotionally charged news reports and editorials, the matter drops from view, ensuring that the larger issue goes unresolved.
The villain in the case was Heng Tinghan, the manager of the brick works, who was arrested Saturday and promptly cemented his bad-guy image by protesting that it was a “fairly small thing” to beat and abuse underage workers, and to deprive them of pay. With his arrest, and the urging of the Central Office of External Communication of the Communist Party, the story then died away. But Chinese newspapers are constantly peppered with accounts of the death and injury of child laborers, and of disputes that arise because of unusually low wages, or the withholding of pay, with no region of the country exempted.
Just within a week or so of the brick kiln story, there were several reports of labor abuses against children. A 14-year-old boy was killed in an explosion while filling a tank with napthalene at a chemical factory near Nanjing. A 15-year-old boy was dragged into a cotton gin and crushed to death in Nanchang after working a succession of 20-hour days. And 70 girls from rural Henan Province were brought by their teacher to work at a grape processing plant in Ningbo, where their hands bled from working 16-hour shifts.
From the densely packed factory zones of Guangdong Province to the street markets, kitchens and brothels of major cities, to the primitive factories of China’s relatively poor western provinces, child labor is a daily fact of life, experts here say, and one that the government, preoccupied with economic growth, has traditionally turned a blind eye to.
“In order to achieve modernization, people will go to any ends to earn money, to advance their interests, leaving behind morality, humanity and even a little bit of compassion, let alone the law or regulations, which are poorly implemented,” said Hu Jindou, a professor of economics at the University of Technology in Beijing. “Everything is about the economy now, just like everything was about politics in the Mao era, and forced labor or child labor is far from an isolated phenomenon. It is rooted deeply in today’s reality, a combination of capitalism, socialism, feudalism and slavery.”
Under President Hu Jintao, the Communist Party has made the creation of what it calls a harmonious society the government’s main watchword. As part of that effort, in fact, a major revision of laws governing the rights of children took effect just this month, prompting the country’s vice premier, Wu Yi, to call their adoption “a festive present for the mainland’s 300 million children.”
Chinese labor market experts say, however, that the country remains far from achieving even the spirit of the new law, which mandates that adequate time be set aside for sleep, entertainment and sports. In fact, many say, an overwhelming emphasis on economic growth directly contradicts it.
This was underscored by another story that emerged the same week the kiln factory abuses were revealed. Students from the Dayin Middle School in Sichuan Province, in China’s interior, complained in newspaper reports about a work-study program in which they were shipped to an electronics assembly plant hundreds of miles away, in the industrial boomtown of Dongguan, which is near the coast.
The students told about having to work 14-hour days, with mandatory overtime, and having their wages withheld. In some instances, they said, those who wished to quit the program had no way of telephoning their families or paying for transportation home.
“My daughter promised to call every week, but she’s been gone for three weeks and has only called once,” said Zhang Ronghua, the mother of a 15-year-old Sichuan student. “She said that she wants to come home, that she’s worked from 8 a.m. to 11 p.m. and that she’s constantly busy and tired.”
Yuan Guangyao, the deputy manager of the factory, defended his company’s arrangement with the school. “This internship is a form of cooperation between our company and the school, or rather with the county,” he said. “I’ve been to that county myself, and I found the local people were very poor, so this initiative of having students work here is a win-win strategy for both of us.”
But many of the parents see a different picture, suspecting that the factory and the school are profiting at their children’s expense.
Liu Kaiming, a longtime researcher on labor conditions in Guangdong Province, where Dongguan is, said the employment of students who were paid low wages and forced to work overtime was commonplace. “In Dongguan, you can even see children of 12 and 15 working in toy factories,” he said. “These kids are basically from adjacent, underdeveloped provinces and they are brought by their teachers. There are laws forbidding child labor, but for work-study programs there are no specific rules, and no limitations on age, working hours or job description.”
Other experts said local officials were reluctant to take any steps that would impede economic growth. Traditionally, high growth rates and social stability have been the main criteria for promotion of local officials, and in relatively poor regions providing employment, even for youths, is seen as contributing to these goals.
Indeed, in the Shanxi brick kiln case, the owner of the factory that was the focus of most of the media attention was a local Communist Party leader.
Local officials also take advantage of overlapping jurisdictions to evade responsibility. In Sichuan Province, the local officials said they had no say over working conditions negotiated between the school and the factory.
Officials at the provincial labor bureau in Guangdong Province said that labor arrangements made by a school should be regulated by the Education Ministry. The ministry did not respond to telephone calls or faxed questions on the matter.
“Each department or ministry only cares about itself,” said Jin Yingjie, a labor law expert at China University of Political Science and Law. “If the law concerns its own interest, it will make an effort to apply it. But when an issue involves the intersection of more than one department, they tend to shirk responsibility.”
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/21/world/asia/21china.html?ei=5087%0A&em=&en=2b3c410c0be879bb&ex=1182657600&pagewanted=print
Tuesday, June 5, 2007
Hong Kong’s Tiananmen Vigil Draws Crowd After Official’s Denial
June 5, 2007
Hong Kong’s Tiananmen Vigil Draws Crowd After Official’s Denial
By KEITH BRADSHER
HONG KONG, June 4 — A candlelight vigil here on Monday evening to observe the 18th anniversary of the military crackdown on the Tiananmen Square demonstrations in Beijing drew an unusually large crowd, apparently in response to the recent assertion by the leader of Hong Kong’s pro-China party that no massacre took place.
By contrast, Tiananmen Square itself remained quiet, if under tight security, on a sunny day, with the usual tour groups and pedestrians milling about. Several well-known dissidents had been placed under house arrest or close watch, though some described the harassment as more passive than in years past.
Some dissidents communicated through Web sites established to commemorate the anniversary.
Hu Jia, a leading Chinese advocate on issues like AIDS, said that he and others had been confined to their homes but that the authorities had shown a few small signs of leniency. He said Ding Zilin, a leader of a group known as the Tiananmen Mothers, was allowed to commemorate the death of her son by visiting one of the sites where soldiers fired upon pro-democracy demonstrators.
In Hong Kong, the Tiananmen Square killings are once more a subject of active discussion after remarks on May 15 by Ma Lik, the chairman of the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. Mr. Ma told local reporters that Hong Kong residents lacked patriotic devotion to China because they believed that the Communist Party had massacred people at Tiananmen Square.
Mr. Ma contended that Hong Kong residents were too willing to believe versions of events in 1989 that were reported by Westerners. He went on to suggest that the city would not be ready to be granted full democracy by Beijing until 2022 as a result.
Mr. Ma described his remarks a day later as “rash and frivolous,” but maintained his position that no massacre had taken place. Mr. Ma did not answer calls to his cellphone last month or on Monday.
Public debate over Mr. Ma’s remarks appeared to help the turnout at the vigil on Monday evening. Organizers said 55,000 people were there; the police said 27,000. The organizers’ estimate last year was 44,000, while the police said 19,000.
Yip Wingki, a 32-year-old salesman, said that he had not attended any previous vigils but that he came to the vigil on Monday evening and brought his 7-year-old son because he was offended by Mr. Ma’s remarks. “He warped the truth totally,” he said as his son sleepily held a lighted candle in the sweltering heat.
Jim Yardley contributed reporting from Beijing.
Hong Kong’s Tiananmen Vigil Draws Crowd After Official’s Denial
By KEITH BRADSHER
HONG KONG, June 4 — A candlelight vigil here on Monday evening to observe the 18th anniversary of the military crackdown on the Tiananmen Square demonstrations in Beijing drew an unusually large crowd, apparently in response to the recent assertion by the leader of Hong Kong’s pro-China party that no massacre took place.
By contrast, Tiananmen Square itself remained quiet, if under tight security, on a sunny day, with the usual tour groups and pedestrians milling about. Several well-known dissidents had been placed under house arrest or close watch, though some described the harassment as more passive than in years past.
Some dissidents communicated through Web sites established to commemorate the anniversary.
Hu Jia, a leading Chinese advocate on issues like AIDS, said that he and others had been confined to their homes but that the authorities had shown a few small signs of leniency. He said Ding Zilin, a leader of a group known as the Tiananmen Mothers, was allowed to commemorate the death of her son by visiting one of the sites where soldiers fired upon pro-democracy demonstrators.
In Hong Kong, the Tiananmen Square killings are once more a subject of active discussion after remarks on May 15 by Ma Lik, the chairman of the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong. Mr. Ma told local reporters that Hong Kong residents lacked patriotic devotion to China because they believed that the Communist Party had massacred people at Tiananmen Square.
Mr. Ma contended that Hong Kong residents were too willing to believe versions of events in 1989 that were reported by Westerners. He went on to suggest that the city would not be ready to be granted full democracy by Beijing until 2022 as a result.
Mr. Ma described his remarks a day later as “rash and frivolous,” but maintained his position that no massacre had taken place. Mr. Ma did not answer calls to his cellphone last month or on Monday.
Public debate over Mr. Ma’s remarks appeared to help the turnout at the vigil on Monday evening. Organizers said 55,000 people were there; the police said 27,000. The organizers’ estimate last year was 44,000, while the police said 19,000.
Yip Wingki, a 32-year-old salesman, said that he had not attended any previous vigils but that he came to the vigil on Monday evening and brought his 7-year-old son because he was offended by Mr. Ma’s remarks. “He warped the truth totally,” he said as his son sleepily held a lighted candle in the sweltering heat.
Jim Yardley contributed reporting from Beijing.
Sunday, June 3, 2007
胡佳：高智晟律师出狱之后再度被北京国保警方殴打
胡佳：高智晟律师出狱之后再度被北京国保警方殴打
博闻社 北京时间：2007年06月02日23时50分 发布
2007年6月2日18点50分高智晟律师简要述说自己被殴打（录音）
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/204_1.shtml
2007年6月2日傍晚，突然接到高智晟律师的电话，他述说自己被北京市公安局国保总队的警察殴打。打人者就是2006年11月24日中午曾经殴打高律师妻子耿和的恶警。而事情的起因是高智晟律师去质问对方是否殴打过自己的妻子耿和。这名残暴的国保总队警察去年针对妇女的暴行已经令人发指，而今天再度对被中共政法系统非法监控的维权律师大打出手，这些行径令北京市公安局国保总队的暴虐残忍昭然若揭。
高智晟律师信奉非暴力原则，作为丈夫他去质问曾经殴打过妻子的行凶者，这本合情合理。并且高律师有权利让对方为此而道歉，甚至有权利报警将对方绳之以法。而高律师自己根本没有料到对方如此蛮横无理，警方如此轻易就释放出其作为专制体制爪牙的暴力本性。这名身材魁梧的恶警劈头盖脸集中攻击高律师的头部，他的4名同伙在旁边围观。现场还有很多邻居和过路人成为目击证人。高律师被殴打得浑身发抖回到家里，这是他2006年12月22日回到家中之后第一次受到国保警方严重的暴力攻击。
北京市公安局国内安全保卫总队的孙荻处长负责监控高律师和他妻女的，在高律师被捕期间，所有针对高律师妻子儿女的凌辱和暴力殴打都是由孙荻负责指挥实施的。高律师回家“服刑”之后，这一次的暴力袭击依然由孙荻负责。
高智晟律师家住在北京奥林匹克体育中心东门附近，离2008年奥运会主会场“鸟巢”不足1.5公里，近年来国际奥委会的官员们已经多次亲奥运会场检查工程进度，他们可曾想到，奥运会五环辉映的范围内，中共正在以法西斯手段压制公民，迫害人权卫士。难道中共真的要把北京奥运会变成1936年的柏林奥运会吗，成为历史上最丑陋最黑暗的奥运会吗。北京市委书记刘淇是29届奥运会的主席，早在2004年4月六四15周年阶段，北京的国保警方就提及这一年严密镇压六四纪念的命令直接来自于刘淇，而今北京的种种暴行，除了政法委书记和北京市公安局局长之外，市委书记刘淇也难辞其咎。
胡佳
于BOBO自由城家中
被北京市公安局国保总队非法拘禁的第9天
离2008年奥运会开幕还有432天
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/203_1.shtml
博闻社 北京时间：2007年06月02日23时50分 发布
2007年6月2日18点50分高智晟律师简要述说自己被殴打（录音）
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/204_1.shtml
2007年6月2日傍晚，突然接到高智晟律师的电话，他述说自己被北京市公安局国保总队的警察殴打。打人者就是2006年11月24日中午曾经殴打高律师妻子耿和的恶警。而事情的起因是高智晟律师去质问对方是否殴打过自己的妻子耿和。这名残暴的国保总队警察去年针对妇女的暴行已经令人发指，而今天再度对被中共政法系统非法监控的维权律师大打出手，这些行径令北京市公安局国保总队的暴虐残忍昭然若揭。
高智晟律师信奉非暴力原则，作为丈夫他去质问曾经殴打过妻子的行凶者，这本合情合理。并且高律师有权利让对方为此而道歉，甚至有权利报警将对方绳之以法。而高律师自己根本没有料到对方如此蛮横无理，警方如此轻易就释放出其作为专制体制爪牙的暴力本性。这名身材魁梧的恶警劈头盖脸集中攻击高律师的头部，他的4名同伙在旁边围观。现场还有很多邻居和过路人成为目击证人。高律师被殴打得浑身发抖回到家里，这是他2006年12月22日回到家中之后第一次受到国保警方严重的暴力攻击。
北京市公安局国内安全保卫总队的孙荻处长负责监控高律师和他妻女的，在高律师被捕期间，所有针对高律师妻子儿女的凌辱和暴力殴打都是由孙荻负责指挥实施的。高律师回家“服刑”之后，这一次的暴力袭击依然由孙荻负责。
高智晟律师家住在北京奥林匹克体育中心东门附近，离2008年奥运会主会场“鸟巢”不足1.5公里，近年来国际奥委会的官员们已经多次亲奥运会场检查工程进度，他们可曾想到，奥运会五环辉映的范围内，中共正在以法西斯手段压制公民，迫害人权卫士。难道中共真的要把北京奥运会变成1936年的柏林奥运会吗，成为历史上最丑陋最黑暗的奥运会吗。北京市委书记刘淇是29届奥运会的主席，早在2004年4月六四15周年阶段，北京的国保警方就提及这一年严密镇压六四纪念的命令直接来自于刘淇，而今北京的种种暴行，除了政法委书记和北京市公安局局长之外，市委书记刘淇也难辞其咎。
胡佳
于BOBO自由城家中
被北京市公安局国保总队非法拘禁的第9天
离2008年奥运会开幕还有432天
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/203_1.shtml
Sunday, May 20, 2007
胡佳:照顾妻子外出买菜 受到北京国保总队便衣警察殴打和辱骂
胡佳:照顾妻子外出买菜 受到北京国保总队便衣警察殴打和辱骂
博闻社 北京时间：2007年05月21日03时44分 发布
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/187_1.shtml
今天是2007年5月20日星期日，天气阴霾。自从18日我被北京市公安局国保总队以“涉嫌危害国家安全”刑事传唤，回到家就开始感冒，第二天还发了烧。我想是传唤那天的房间阴冷受了些凉所致。毕竟我本身有早期肝硬化，并且最近相当劳累，身体抵抗力较弱，和国保秘密警察的较量又很影响心情。今天一整天我几乎都在卧床发汗。我妻子金燕因为妊娠反应强烈，所以也没有出门。到了黄昏，发现三天了家里已经没有什么蔬菜和食品。金燕身体瘦弱，她有低血糖的毛病，饿了就需要立即进食。而且因为怀孕她无法提重物。最后只好还是决定我去买菜。
买菜是一件我们这样平凡人家的日常小事。但因为传唤以后再次被北京市公安局非法拘禁，所以我想出门时一定会遇到些阻拦。无论如何，生活还要继续，我必须去超市把食品为金燕和她肚里的小宝贝买回来。
下了楼，发烧两天的我感到有点头重脚轻，步履很慢。看到单元门外不远是通州区公安局中仓派出所的两名警员。他们看到我，就起身向两栋楼围合院子的大门口走，我想或许他们知道我要买菜，所以准备向他们的上级请示，然后监视着我去。等我走近院子出口的铁门，看到一个不认识的便衣横在那里。通州区公安局国保支队的几十个警察我都能认出来，我住宅所辖地的中仓派出所的十几个片警我也都了解，而今天这个便衣显然不是来自通州，那他只能是北京市公安局国内安全保卫总队的秘密警察。这类警察因为来自市局，典型的奴才品性，到了基层通常都很傲慢。他乜斜着眼睛看着我，蛮横地问我要去干什么。我最不能容忍这类当流氓还当得理直气壮的家伙，所以就回敬他让他说话客气一点。他的气势显然一下子更涨起来，径直胸口一横挡住我的去路，我只好用双手去推开他。当我们有了肢体接触，他一下子发作起来开始对我拳打脚踢。这种情势让中仓派出所的三名警察感到震惊。恐怕他们也没有想到北京市公安局国保总队的警察如此野蛮粗暴。随即，他们三个警察立即上来拉架。一个来劝阻我，两个去劝阻市局的国保。当时一个高个的通州区警察上去拦阻他，因为他身材高，而这个粗壮的北京市局国保便衣比通州警察矮半头，所以拦阻拉拽中北京国保总队便衣的墨镜一个镜片掉了下来。他把眼镜摘下来丢到地上。我们的言语交锋仍在继续。那个市局国保火冒三丈，从地上抄起一块一寸厚半米见方的木板，上面至少钉了四枚钉子，双手举起要向我的头上砸去。通州区中仓派出所的那位高个警察慌了，连忙奋力制止住他，两个人都用尽全力，所以都几乎失去了平衡。如果不是这名通州的警察，那个市局国保的板子拍下来，我的头顶上一定会砸一两个血窟窿。这是足以致命的。
想起2006年7月30日晚上，四名北京市公安局国保总队的警察殴打高智晟律师，当时他们抄起六边形砖要砸在高律师头上，幸而有高律师的妻子耿和出来拼命挡住。当时我听到描述后很困惑，北京市公安局国保总队的警察难道不知道那会砸碎人的颅骨吗，难道不知道那会伤及人的生命吗，更何况他们清楚自己在从事违法的行径，他们真的有这么凶残吗。今天我知道了。他们确实下得去手。他们的确有杀人的动机和手段。
带钉子的板子被通州区的警察尽力夺下了，夏日黄昏中一些邻居在旁边看到了整个过
程。自从我2004年7月2日搬到通州区BOBO自由城，这种剧烈的暴力冲突他们也看到不止一次了。但从未有这么危险的情况发生。从前我因为表达公民不屈服，所以无数次与通州区国保支队和中仓派出所的警察发生肢体冲突，但从去年那一次连续214天的软禁后，我决定不再这样了。因为他们也都是被北京市公安局以及公安部国内安全保卫局驱使压制的对象，他们被迫在执行这些非法拘禁公民的命令，他们也是一群受害者。通州区的警察经过这三年与我摩擦，也了解了我和金燕，在私下他们也把北京市国保总队和公安部国内安全保卫局以及中共中央政法委骂得体无完肤，只是官大一级压死人，通州的警察自己只能忍气吞声地违心执行着命令。
通州的警察把市局国保拽到铁门外，这个家伙仍然在对着我叫嚣“弄不死你!X你妈
的!”我看我手腕上的佛珠被他拽下来不知道丢到哪里去了。听到身后有位大妈的声音
“大钉子，别给他（胡佳）扎着。”我回头看到这是我们76号楼1单元的邻居大妈。她去把那块带钉子的木板搬起来，放到五六米外的垃圾桶里。看样子木板不轻，我想是小区邻居装修后丢弃的建筑垃圾。
市局国保警察还在外面叫嚷“我有的是劲对付你。”我心里相信，这群北京市公安局的恶犬们的确什么都干得出来。我很奇怪，北京的国保警察级别越高越骄横野蛮。北京市国保总队的马凯、张雷、孙荻等30多岁处长一级的骨干爪牙都是很凶悍野蛮的类型。我还没有见过北京市公安局国保总队总队长张宪林和北京市公安局局长马振川，不知道这两个家伙该有多残暴。马振川是京门第一恶狗，下边的市国保都只能算狗腿子。每年上百次坚壁清野式的扫荡上访村，每年大范围非法拘禁公民，所有重大命令来自与他和原政法委书记强卫。同时马振川还是2008年29届奥运会的安全保卫总指挥，一个压制人权刽子手式的人物在掌控奥运会的安全，可想而知他会和他的国保爪牙们做些什么，他会具体使用国家黑社会势力去推行国家恐怖主义。马振川这样的人掌控奥运会的所有警力，就像大贪污犯北京市副市长刘志华掌管着北京所有的奥运建设工程一样，令人感到29届奥运会被暴力和贪腐的阴霾所笼罩。
通州的两名警察跟着我上了车，这是我平生第一次让警察上我的车。从前我感到警察很肮脏，所以从来不让警察进入我家门和私家车。但这次，我知道第一我无法不让他们跟着我，第二我对这两个通州警察心存一份感激，如果不是他们，我今天肯定非死即伤。我胡佳生来就从不怕死，但是我死了金燕和她怀宝宝该怎么办，我年逾七旬的父母该怎么办。
我从超市买了菜回到小区，在进入围合院子大门时，这个市局的国保便衣就叫住我，让我赔他的墨镜。我很愤愤不平，他非法拘禁公民，还对公民施加暴力，在冲突中眼镜坏了还要诬陷是我弄坏的。所有邻居都看到了，便衣警察们一共有4个人，每个人都比我高，每个人都训练有素。而我今天还在发烧，动一动都出虚汗，怎么可能弄坏他的眼镜。而且，刚才我明明看到是他眼镜的一个镜片掉落了，现在我却发现是两个镜片都没了，而镜架被挤扁成七扭八外。我明白了，在我们买菜过程中，这个市局国就地保对他的“证物”做了“加工”。
我手里提着买来的蔬菜，这个流氓就围着我骂来骂去。我也毫无客气地回敬给他。其
实，作为佛教徒我不该用非常重的语言去回敬别人，但对这样的国保狗腿子我实在是无法咽下这口气。我们的言语交锋还在继续。他总是爱贴到人的脸前，侵犯别人的空间。尽管我感冒鼻塞，但还是闻到他嘴里发出的阵阵混浊味道，我不时向后下意识的退一步和他保持点距离。整个过程，他除了威胁还是威胁：“我跟你说，你不赔，有你好吃的。”“我让钉子长你头上。等你出去的时候，我一定让钉子长在你脑袋上。” “那个（板子）钉子少，我可以找钉子多的。”“下次我找钉子多的，我一定镶在你脑袋上。”
我不想和他恋战，毕竟家里的妻子还在等我把菜买回去。这时又是刚才那位好心的邻居大妈上来解围，她说让我赶紧回家做饭，她说她是楼上的邻居，我们这么冲突令她烦死了。我感到大妈在轻轻推我离开现场，老人家不想让我再吃亏。而我，顾及大妈的安全，甚至连个谢谢都无法和老人家说。慢慢往家里走，后面还是传来那个市局国保正在像街头混混儿一样向邻居们展示他坏了的墨镜，说我如何殴打他。老天！
这个北京市公安局国保总队的便衣是一个标准的北京流氓地痞的作派。北京市公安局的国保系统，整体而言不是流氓当了警察就是警察做了流氓。当然，全国各地的国内安全保卫系统普遍如此，可以说是人渣林立，畜类横行。从我和曾金燕被定义为“涉嫌危害国家安全”，北京市公安局长马振川就派这类市公安局他的嫡系到我家门口来“指挥现场”。这号人无愧于是马振川和张宪林手下的得力干将，是牙尖嘴利的猛犬。
回到家很疲惫，我靠在沙发上喘息。金燕立即就看出我的状态有些不对劲，了解了一点外部的冲突，她只说不该让我出去买菜和流氓发生冲突。不一会儿，金燕接到福建老家的电话，她的外公就在此时刚刚过世。金燕垂下泪来，伤心地告诉我，她小时候外公最疼她。而前年金燕的外婆去世时，她因为上课而没能回家，无法见上最后一面，非常内疚和遗憾。所以这一次尽管我们被软禁，但无论如何也要回去奔丧。我感叹真是祸不单行。金燕马上打电话订机票，明天上午10：30我们两人一起飞往厦门，然后乘坐5个小时的汽车回她的老家福建龙岩的武平县。如果明早北京市公安局国保总队的流氓们阻挠我们去福建奔丧，我就和他们拼了。
今天只有一件事是幸运的，我出来买菜时没有让妻子和我一道，否则后果不堪设想。这个北京市公安局国保总队恶警的拳脚和辱骂会对她造成多大的伤害。尤其还有我妻子腹中的宝宝。感谢上苍。
胡佳
于BOBO自由城家中
2007年5月21日凌晨 被软禁的第四天
离2008年奥运会开幕还有445天
附件中的两段录音就是今天傍晚我买菜之前和回来之后的经过:
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/185_1.shtml
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/186_1.shtml
博闻社 北京时间：2007年05月21日03时44分 发布
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/187_1.shtml
今天是2007年5月20日星期日，天气阴霾。自从18日我被北京市公安局国保总队以“涉嫌危害国家安全”刑事传唤，回到家就开始感冒，第二天还发了烧。我想是传唤那天的房间阴冷受了些凉所致。毕竟我本身有早期肝硬化，并且最近相当劳累，身体抵抗力较弱，和国保秘密警察的较量又很影响心情。今天一整天我几乎都在卧床发汗。我妻子金燕因为妊娠反应强烈，所以也没有出门。到了黄昏，发现三天了家里已经没有什么蔬菜和食品。金燕身体瘦弱，她有低血糖的毛病，饿了就需要立即进食。而且因为怀孕她无法提重物。最后只好还是决定我去买菜。
买菜是一件我们这样平凡人家的日常小事。但因为传唤以后再次被北京市公安局非法拘禁，所以我想出门时一定会遇到些阻拦。无论如何，生活还要继续，我必须去超市把食品为金燕和她肚里的小宝贝买回来。
下了楼，发烧两天的我感到有点头重脚轻，步履很慢。看到单元门外不远是通州区公安局中仓派出所的两名警员。他们看到我，就起身向两栋楼围合院子的大门口走，我想或许他们知道我要买菜，所以准备向他们的上级请示，然后监视着我去。等我走近院子出口的铁门，看到一个不认识的便衣横在那里。通州区公安局国保支队的几十个警察我都能认出来，我住宅所辖地的中仓派出所的十几个片警我也都了解，而今天这个便衣显然不是来自通州，那他只能是北京市公安局国内安全保卫总队的秘密警察。这类警察因为来自市局，典型的奴才品性，到了基层通常都很傲慢。他乜斜着眼睛看着我，蛮横地问我要去干什么。我最不能容忍这类当流氓还当得理直气壮的家伙，所以就回敬他让他说话客气一点。他的气势显然一下子更涨起来，径直胸口一横挡住我的去路，我只好用双手去推开他。当我们有了肢体接触，他一下子发作起来开始对我拳打脚踢。这种情势让中仓派出所的三名警察感到震惊。恐怕他们也没有想到北京市公安局国保总队的警察如此野蛮粗暴。随即，他们三个警察立即上来拉架。一个来劝阻我，两个去劝阻市局的国保。当时一个高个的通州区警察上去拦阻他，因为他身材高，而这个粗壮的北京市局国保便衣比通州警察矮半头，所以拦阻拉拽中北京国保总队便衣的墨镜一个镜片掉了下来。他把眼镜摘下来丢到地上。我们的言语交锋仍在继续。那个市局国保火冒三丈，从地上抄起一块一寸厚半米见方的木板，上面至少钉了四枚钉子，双手举起要向我的头上砸去。通州区中仓派出所的那位高个警察慌了，连忙奋力制止住他，两个人都用尽全力，所以都几乎失去了平衡。如果不是这名通州的警察，那个市局国保的板子拍下来，我的头顶上一定会砸一两个血窟窿。这是足以致命的。
想起2006年7月30日晚上，四名北京市公安局国保总队的警察殴打高智晟律师，当时他们抄起六边形砖要砸在高律师头上，幸而有高律师的妻子耿和出来拼命挡住。当时我听到描述后很困惑，北京市公安局国保总队的警察难道不知道那会砸碎人的颅骨吗，难道不知道那会伤及人的生命吗，更何况他们清楚自己在从事违法的行径，他们真的有这么凶残吗。今天我知道了。他们确实下得去手。他们的确有杀人的动机和手段。
带钉子的板子被通州区的警察尽力夺下了，夏日黄昏中一些邻居在旁边看到了整个过
程。自从我2004年7月2日搬到通州区BOBO自由城，这种剧烈的暴力冲突他们也看到不止一次了。但从未有这么危险的情况发生。从前我因为表达公民不屈服，所以无数次与通州区国保支队和中仓派出所的警察发生肢体冲突，但从去年那一次连续214天的软禁后，我决定不再这样了。因为他们也都是被北京市公安局以及公安部国内安全保卫局驱使压制的对象，他们被迫在执行这些非法拘禁公民的命令，他们也是一群受害者。通州区的警察经过这三年与我摩擦，也了解了我和金燕，在私下他们也把北京市国保总队和公安部国内安全保卫局以及中共中央政法委骂得体无完肤，只是官大一级压死人，通州的警察自己只能忍气吞声地违心执行着命令。
通州的警察把市局国保拽到铁门外，这个家伙仍然在对着我叫嚣“弄不死你!X你妈
的!”我看我手腕上的佛珠被他拽下来不知道丢到哪里去了。听到身后有位大妈的声音
“大钉子，别给他（胡佳）扎着。”我回头看到这是我们76号楼1单元的邻居大妈。她去把那块带钉子的木板搬起来，放到五六米外的垃圾桶里。看样子木板不轻，我想是小区邻居装修后丢弃的建筑垃圾。
市局国保警察还在外面叫嚷“我有的是劲对付你。”我心里相信，这群北京市公安局的恶犬们的确什么都干得出来。我很奇怪，北京的国保警察级别越高越骄横野蛮。北京市国保总队的马凯、张雷、孙荻等30多岁处长一级的骨干爪牙都是很凶悍野蛮的类型。我还没有见过北京市公安局国保总队总队长张宪林和北京市公安局局长马振川，不知道这两个家伙该有多残暴。马振川是京门第一恶狗，下边的市国保都只能算狗腿子。每年上百次坚壁清野式的扫荡上访村，每年大范围非法拘禁公民，所有重大命令来自与他和原政法委书记强卫。同时马振川还是2008年29届奥运会的安全保卫总指挥，一个压制人权刽子手式的人物在掌控奥运会的安全，可想而知他会和他的国保爪牙们做些什么，他会具体使用国家黑社会势力去推行国家恐怖主义。马振川这样的人掌控奥运会的所有警力，就像大贪污犯北京市副市长刘志华掌管着北京所有的奥运建设工程一样，令人感到29届奥运会被暴力和贪腐的阴霾所笼罩。
通州的两名警察跟着我上了车，这是我平生第一次让警察上我的车。从前我感到警察很肮脏，所以从来不让警察进入我家门和私家车。但这次，我知道第一我无法不让他们跟着我，第二我对这两个通州警察心存一份感激，如果不是他们，我今天肯定非死即伤。我胡佳生来就从不怕死，但是我死了金燕和她怀宝宝该怎么办，我年逾七旬的父母该怎么办。
我从超市买了菜回到小区，在进入围合院子大门时，这个市局的国保便衣就叫住我，让我赔他的墨镜。我很愤愤不平，他非法拘禁公民，还对公民施加暴力，在冲突中眼镜坏了还要诬陷是我弄坏的。所有邻居都看到了，便衣警察们一共有4个人，每个人都比我高，每个人都训练有素。而我今天还在发烧，动一动都出虚汗，怎么可能弄坏他的眼镜。而且，刚才我明明看到是他眼镜的一个镜片掉落了，现在我却发现是两个镜片都没了，而镜架被挤扁成七扭八外。我明白了，在我们买菜过程中，这个市局国就地保对他的“证物”做了“加工”。
我手里提着买来的蔬菜，这个流氓就围着我骂来骂去。我也毫无客气地回敬给他。其
实，作为佛教徒我不该用非常重的语言去回敬别人，但对这样的国保狗腿子我实在是无法咽下这口气。我们的言语交锋还在继续。他总是爱贴到人的脸前，侵犯别人的空间。尽管我感冒鼻塞，但还是闻到他嘴里发出的阵阵混浊味道，我不时向后下意识的退一步和他保持点距离。整个过程，他除了威胁还是威胁：“我跟你说，你不赔，有你好吃的。”“我让钉子长你头上。等你出去的时候，我一定让钉子长在你脑袋上。” “那个（板子）钉子少，我可以找钉子多的。”“下次我找钉子多的，我一定镶在你脑袋上。”
我不想和他恋战，毕竟家里的妻子还在等我把菜买回去。这时又是刚才那位好心的邻居大妈上来解围，她说让我赶紧回家做饭，她说她是楼上的邻居，我们这么冲突令她烦死了。我感到大妈在轻轻推我离开现场，老人家不想让我再吃亏。而我，顾及大妈的安全，甚至连个谢谢都无法和老人家说。慢慢往家里走，后面还是传来那个市局国保正在像街头混混儿一样向邻居们展示他坏了的墨镜，说我如何殴打他。老天！
这个北京市公安局国保总队的便衣是一个标准的北京流氓地痞的作派。北京市公安局的国保系统，整体而言不是流氓当了警察就是警察做了流氓。当然，全国各地的国内安全保卫系统普遍如此，可以说是人渣林立，畜类横行。从我和曾金燕被定义为“涉嫌危害国家安全”，北京市公安局长马振川就派这类市公安局他的嫡系到我家门口来“指挥现场”。这号人无愧于是马振川和张宪林手下的得力干将，是牙尖嘴利的猛犬。
回到家很疲惫，我靠在沙发上喘息。金燕立即就看出我的状态有些不对劲，了解了一点外部的冲突，她只说不该让我出去买菜和流氓发生冲突。不一会儿，金燕接到福建老家的电话，她的外公就在此时刚刚过世。金燕垂下泪来，伤心地告诉我，她小时候外公最疼她。而前年金燕的外婆去世时，她因为上课而没能回家，无法见上最后一面，非常内疚和遗憾。所以这一次尽管我们被软禁，但无论如何也要回去奔丧。我感叹真是祸不单行。金燕马上打电话订机票，明天上午10：30我们两人一起飞往厦门，然后乘坐5个小时的汽车回她的老家福建龙岩的武平县。如果明早北京市公安局国保总队的流氓们阻挠我们去福建奔丧，我就和他们拼了。
今天只有一件事是幸运的，我出来买菜时没有让妻子和我一道，否则后果不堪设想。这个北京市公安局国保总队恶警的拳脚和辱骂会对她造成多大的伤害。尤其还有我妻子腹中的宝宝。感谢上苍。
胡佳
于BOBO自由城家中
2007年5月21日凌晨 被软禁的第四天
离2008年奥运会开幕还有445天
附件中的两段录音就是今天傍晚我买菜之前和回来之后的经过:
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/185_1.shtml
http://www.bowenpress.com/cn/2007/china/186_1.shtml
Saturday, May 19, 2007
2 Activists Are Under House Arrest and Barred From Leaving China
May 19, 2007
By JOSEPH KAHN
BEIJING, May 18 — A young Chinese couple who have promoted a variety of delicate social and political causes were barred from leaving the country on Friday and placed under house arrest, the couple said.
The police barred Hu Jia, 33, and his wife, Zeng Jinyan, 23, from departing from Beijing on a trip to Hong Kong and several European countries, Mr. Hu said. The couple had planned to call attention to what they described as a neglect of AIDS patients and to defend other Chinese campaigners for human rights who had been prosecuted in recent months.
Mr. Hu said the police told him that he and Ms. Zeng were suspected of “endangering national security” and would be required to stay in their home under police watch for an indefinite period.
“Officials are worried that we would set off opposition to Beijing’s hosting of the Olympics,” Mr. Hu said. State security officials almost never offer any information about their activities, but the city is the venue for the 2008 Summer Games and intends to use the event to present China as a sophisticated, modern country that is open to the outside world.
In another indication of the sensitivity of the Games to China, Yang Jiechi, the country’s new foreign minister, on Friday denounced efforts in the United States to link support for Beijing’s serving as host of the Olympics to its policies in Sudan.
China has been criticized for giving strong financial and diplomatic backing to the government of Sudan, which the Bush administration and critics worldwide say has practiced genocide in its southern Darfur region while waging a war against secessionists there. “There is a handful of people who are trying to politicize the Olympic Games,” Mr. Yang told reporters. “This is against the spirit of the Games. It also runs counter to the aspirations of all the people in the world.”
A group of 108 members of the House of Representatives sent a letter to the Chinese government last week warning that China must use its influence with Sudan’s government to improve the situation in Darfur or face a possible backlash against its serving as host of the Games. Leading Hollywood personalities have also warned China that it could face a boycott of the Games unless it puts more pressure on Sudan.
In response to the criticism, China appointed its first special envoy for Darfur earlier this month. Beijing also sent military engineers to help reinforce the African Union’s peacekeeping force there.
But even as it seeks to head off international criticism over its Sudan policies, China has stepped up efforts to prevent domestic critics from voicing negative views. Lawyers, journalists and rights activists in many fields say the space to express opinions that the government considers unfavorable has sharply contracted in recent months.
Mr. Hu and Ms. Zeng have tirelessly advocated on behalf of a wide array of people involved in grass-roots organizing activities, human rights and delicate legal and medical work whom the Chinese authorities consider subversive. They often publicize details about police persecution of such people in e-mail communications and a popular blog.
Last year, Mr. Hu and Ms. Zeng spent more than six months confined to their home. They made a 30-minute film about the plainclothes security officers who surrounded their home and harassed and intimidated them.
Mr. Hu said he was invited by organizations in several European countries to speak about civil society and human rights in China. He said he planned to call attention to efforts to punish several of China’s most outspoken lawyers and AIDS workers if he had been allowed to travel.
Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/19/world/asia/19china.html?ei=5087%0A&em=&en=a5e70f3c54d26c66&ex=1179720000&pagewanted=print
By JOSEPH KAHN
BEIJING, May 18 — A young Chinese couple who have promoted a variety of delicate social and political causes were barred from leaving the country on Friday and placed under house arrest, the couple said.
The police barred Hu Jia, 33, and his wife, Zeng Jinyan, 23, from departing from Beijing on a trip to Hong Kong and several European countries, Mr. Hu said. The couple had planned to call attention to what they described as a neglect of AIDS patients and to defend other Chinese campaigners for human rights who had been prosecuted in recent months.
Mr. Hu said the police told him that he and Ms. Zeng were suspected of “endangering national security” and would be required to stay in their home under police watch for an indefinite period.
“Officials are worried that we would set off opposition to Beijing’s hosting of the Olympics,” Mr. Hu said. State security officials almost never offer any information about their activities, but the city is the venue for the 2008 Summer Games and intends to use the event to present China as a sophisticated, modern country that is open to the outside world.
In another indication of the sensitivity of the Games to China, Yang Jiechi, the country’s new foreign minister, on Friday denounced efforts in the United States to link support for Beijing’s serving as host of the Olympics to its policies in Sudan.
China has been criticized for giving strong financial and diplomatic backing to the government of Sudan, which the Bush administration and critics worldwide say has practiced genocide in its southern Darfur region while waging a war against secessionists there. “There is a handful of people who are trying to politicize the Olympic Games,” Mr. Yang told reporters. “This is against the spirit of the Games. It also runs counter to the aspirations of all the people in the world.”
A group of 108 members of the House of Representatives sent a letter to the Chinese government last week warning that China must use its influence with Sudan’s government to improve the situation in Darfur or face a possible backlash against its serving as host of the Games. Leading Hollywood personalities have also warned China that it could face a boycott of the Games unless it puts more pressure on Sudan.
In response to the criticism, China appointed its first special envoy for Darfur earlier this month. Beijing also sent military engineers to help reinforce the African Union’s peacekeeping force there.
But even as it seeks to head off international criticism over its Sudan policies, China has stepped up efforts to prevent domestic critics from voicing negative views. Lawyers, journalists and rights activists in many fields say the space to express opinions that the government considers unfavorable has sharply contracted in recent months.
Mr. Hu and Ms. Zeng have tirelessly advocated on behalf of a wide array of people involved in grass-roots organizing activities, human rights and delicate legal and medical work whom the Chinese authorities consider subversive. They often publicize details about police persecution of such people in e-mail communications and a popular blog.
Last year, Mr. Hu and Ms. Zeng spent more than six months confined to their home. They made a 30-minute film about the plainclothes security officers who surrounded their home and harassed and intimidated them.
Mr. Hu said he was invited by organizations in several European countries to speak about civil society and human rights in China. He said he planned to call attention to efforts to punish several of China’s most outspoken lawyers and AIDS workers if he had been allowed to travel.
Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/19/world/asia/19china.html?ei=5087%0A&em=&en=a5e70f3c54d26c66&ex=1179720000&pagewanted=print
Tuesday, May 8, 2007
TIME HEROES & PIONEERS: Zeng Jinyan
Anais Martane for TIME
HEROES & PIONEERS
60 of 100
Zeng Jinyan is the online progeny of the protester who blocked a column of advancing tanks during China's Tiananmen uprising in 1989. When Zeng's husband, AIDS and environmental activist Hu Jia, was detained by the Chinese government without any legal proceedings last year, Zeng, now 22, started a blog detailing her experiences and the oppressive activities of the country's secret police. Since then, her blog has been blocked in China, and she and her husband have been harassed, intimidated and subjected to round-the-clock surveillance. But she has steadfastly continued to blog, attracting an international audience with her sardonic style—and her courage. She is Tiananmen 2.0.
Blogs are by nature very personal—an intimate, often ferocious expression of the blogger's passions. This intimacy creates an unusually close bond between blogger and reader. It's why I feel so connected to Zeng, even though we live on opposite sides of the world and have never met—or even spoken to each other. By blogging truth to power, she is planting the seeds of a new—and true—cultural revolution. Let a thousand blogs bloom.
Huffington is a blogger and the founder of the Huffington Post
http://www.time.com/time/specials/2007/time100/article/0,28804,1595326_1615754_1616169,00.html
《时代》百人最年轻的入选者曾金燕 /RFA张敏
《时代》百人最年轻的入选者曾金燕/RFA张敏
（自由亚洲电台“心灵之旅”节目主持人张敏采访报道2007，05，05）］
*《时代》周刊简介曾金燕 *
5月4日出版的美国《时代》周刊评选出“2007年度全球一百位最具影响力人物”，其中有七位华人，他们是胡锦涛、刘淇、王建民、曾金燕、陈士骏、马化腾、何晶。七位中有四位居住在中国大陆。
这一百位入选者中最年轻的是居住在北京的二十三岁的曾金燕女士。她入选的类别为“英雄和开拓者”。
美国《时代》周刊对入选者曾金燕作了简介，简介撰写者署名阿里亚娜.赫芬顿（Arianna Huffington ），她是在美国的著名女作家、网络媒体《赫芬顿邮报》创办人。
阿里亚娜.赫芬顿在简介中说：“曾金燕是1989年中国天安门抗议运动期间只身挡住坦克车队的抗议者的网络后继者。
当曾金燕的丈夫抗艾滋和环保活动人士胡佳去年被中国政府未经任何法律程序拘押时，22岁的曾金燕开始在互联网的个人博客上详细讲述自己的经历，以及中国秘密警察的迫害行为。
自那以后，她的个人博客在中国被封锁，她和她丈夫受到骚扰、威胁和昼夜不停的监视。但是，她一直坚持不懈地写她的博客。她尖锐辛辣的写作风格和勇气吸引了一批国际读者。
她是天安门的第二代。
博客，就其本质而言是非常个人的，是一种内心的、并且常常是作者情感的极度表达，这种内在情感创造了作者和读者之间非同寻常的亲密关系。这就是为什么我感到与曾金燕如此息息相联，即使我们住在地球不同的两边，我们从来没有见过面，也从来没有彼此交谈过。通过博客表达真相的力量，正在种下那崭新的、真实的、文化上具有革命性的种子。让千百个博客之花盛开吧！”
* 曾金燕感言：去年光诚入选，今年系狱铁窗 *
评选结果揭晓的当天晚上，我采访了在北京的曾金燕女士。
主持人：“祝贺你入选2007年度全球一百名最具影响力人物！”
曾金燕：“谢谢你！”
问：“听到这个消息的时候，你是什么样的心情？”
答：“我当然是蛮高兴的，因为这是对我去年工作的一个肯定。我不知道它今天公布，是从朋友那里知道这个入选的事情。在这之前，我都一直记着今天是光诚、伟静的孩子克睿的生日。”
曾金燕听到自己入选的消息后，在网上发表几句话的感言，其中说：“今天是‘五四’青年节，也是陈光诚的儿子小克睿的生日，小孩还是常哭着要爸爸，去年陈光诚是与温家宝齐名位列《时代》周刊‘影响世界一百人’。今年此时，陈光诚还在狱中。”
曾金燕谈她为什么在这个时候首先想到陈光诚和他的家人：“光诚去年是《时代》周刊影响世界一百人的英雄和先驱，可是因为他杰出的工作，遭到当局的 报复，他现在被判刑四年三个月，仍然在狱中。我希望国际舆论能够对当局产生一些影响，让他早日被释放回来。”
* 从福建龙岩农村走来的曾金燕 *
读初中时开始做社会工作――
我请曾金燕讲讲她自己现在所从事的工作。她说：“一方面我在一个很小的公司里面作些与生意有关的事情，另一方面，艾滋病跟公民社会建设这方面的工作还在继续。”
曾金燕是福建客家人，毕业于中国人民大学经济系的曾金燕从事社会工作已经有十多年的历史了，最早是在她上初中，十二岁的时候。她告诉我：“最早做志愿服务是在我读初中的时候，比较频繁和稳定地做是我2001年进入大学以后。”
问：“你在初中的时候开始做社会方面的工作，关注社会，那时候都能做些什么呢？”
答：“去老人院，跟老人聊天，尤其是那些没有人照顾的老人，还帮他们做些卫生。”
问：“那是在什么地方？”
答：“在我的老家福建龙岩的一个小镇。”
来自父母亲的影响――
问：“是什么原因使你那么小就会去做这些关注社会的工作？”
答：“我觉得可能跟我父母亲的教育有关系。”
问：“简单介绍一下您父母和家庭的情况可以吗？”
答：“我的父母都是很普通的农民，但是他们几乎没有什么地（可以种）。我的父亲在很年轻的时候学习成绩很好，可是因为家庭成分不好，没有机会、没有名额去读高中，去接受更好的教育。家里没什么地种，所以他们就去做一些小生意，来维持家庭收入。他把所有能给的时间和他所挣的钱，以及他的精力都花在教育孩子，就是我们身上，让我们接受最好的教育。”
问：“你兄妹几人？”
答：“我还有两个弟弟，我是老大。我父亲一直都很有公益心，他很关心别人。比如说，我小时候住的地方，当时的公路没有路灯，我爸爸每天晚上就会把家里的灯打开，让过路的人有灯可以看见路。这是我父亲给我蛮深刻的印象。
我在很小的时候，曾经跟我的堂姑姑在老人院生活过一段时间，我堂姑姑是那里的医生。所以我就了解到老人的生活有的很凄凉，当时心里就有这个印象。当我读初中的时候，恰好离那个老人院走路大概一小时左右，我就回到那个地方去做这些社会服务，我觉得都是很自然而然的事情。读高中的时候曾经去聋哑学校，跟聋哑儿童交流，帮他们打扫卫生。”
* 大学期间关注艾滋病问题 *
问：“您后来是什么时候到北京？”
答：“高考的时候填志愿选择北京的中国人民大学，2001年考上，来到北京。”
曾金燕在大学期间除学习本专业外，更多的关注社会。她说：“我在人民大学读的是经济学，但是我很多时间其实是花在社会学、哲学这些专业上，去旁听课。读大学的时候，几乎我全部课余时间都用在艾滋病跟公共健康教育这方面的社会服务上了。大学时我是红十字会的学生会员。”
问：“你后来把注意力转到艾滋病方面，又是因为什么原因呢？”
答：“2001年我做健康教育的时候，就要做艾滋病的预防，我就接触到一些做艾滋病工作的社会工作者，更多的接触到从河南艾滋病村来的农民。当时我非常震惊，因为我发现中国艾滋病在农村的流行情况，严重到甚至让人绝望。可是中国社会、中国的主流社会、中国的大学、普通老百姓都不知道这些情况。那个时候艾滋病是一个禁忌话题，不可以公开谈论。所以，我当时就觉得非常紧迫，应该有人去做这方面的工作。我就跟一些学生志愿者和社会工作者合作，在高校里做一些‘巡展’，比如说展板展出、讲座。。。主要的目的，就是介绍艾滋病在中国农村现在的情况。我还请中国农村的艾滋病感染者、患者到大学里去讲，这里面的故事就很多、可复杂了。”
* 因关注艾滋病问题与胡佳结缘 *
“大一”相识，三年前同创“爱源”――
问：“您大学毕业之后到什么地方工作？”
答：“因为我很早就认识胡佳。2004年的时候我们一起创办‘北京爱源信息咨询中心’，致力于对艾滋病人的关怀和服务活动。跟我以前做的有关艾滋病的教育工作不太一样。因为我自己多次去了艾滋病村以后，感觉到每个人的角色不一样，但是我当时心里是希望能找两个出路。一个出路就是儿童的教育，希望通过教育改变这些因为卖血或者输血感染艾滋病的农民的下一辈的命运。另外一方面，他们依靠外界的救治只能救急，不能救穷。一个家庭要维持生活，没有一个可持续的家庭经济是不行的，所以我第二个思路就是看有没有可能做一些家庭可持续生计的发展工作。”
帮助艾滋孤儿――
曾金燕女士谈到他们为艾滋孤儿所做的“一对一”援助。她告诉我：“我们有一个项目叫作‘笔友俱乐部’，‘爱源’像一个‘中介公司’，一方面在农村收集孩子（艾滋孤儿）的信息和资料，然后跟进孩子的成长过程；另外一方面，我们在城市的社会里面匿名公布这些孩子的资料，为孩子找到‘一对一’配对的资助者，这位资助者可能对孩子只是尽到捐钱的义务，可能只是给孩子写信，也有可能经常去访问孩子，也可能兼而有之。志愿者的职能不一样，会进行分类和培训。这样，每一个孩子都有一个固定的成长伙伴，希望在九年义务教育范围内这个孩子都能跟这个志愿者有一个稳定的关系，这样发展下去。”
对艾滋病人的临终关怀 ――
曾金燕参与的社会工作中，还有艾滋病人的临终关怀项目。她谈到：“‘临终关怀’项目做了大概有两年的时间，定期访问那些临终的病人，给他们提供一些非常实际的帮助以及精神上的安慰。这样，这些临终的患者会在去世的时候更有人的尊严，而不是很凄惨、被忽略，或者很痛苦地去世。
与胡佳不得不先后离开“爱源”――
‘爱源’的工作范围稍微扩大了一些，可是很遗憾的是因为我跟胡佳的关系，因为我做的这些工作，警察就经常来骚扰，而且不停地威胁我的志愿者，让我的工作很难开展，所以去年十二月份的时候，我不得不辞去‘爱源’的代理总干事的职务，从具体的工作事务当中脱离开。”
因感情而结婚，因现实而准备――
问：“认识胡佳，是在你刚刚上大学的时候，到后来你决定和他结婚的时候，他被警察跟踪过多少次，带走过多少次？你当时所作的思想准备是什么？”
答：“从2004年开始，他就频繁的失踪，被跟踪及软禁。后面我自己都记不清楚究竟有多少次、每次发生的情况怎么样，所以我觉得应该有一个比较翔实的记录，这也是为什么我会写博客的原因之一。”
问：“在你决定和胡佳结婚的时候，你的思想准备当时是不是足够？”
答：“我可能想的比较单纯，因为是为感情结婚，我不知道会遇到什么困难，但是我觉得都是可以克服的。我想，再一次的失踪和软禁，我有一定的心理准备。但是这种事情是永远都准备不好的。而且也无法预测究竟会发生什么样更严重的事情。”
* 胡佳、曾金燕婚后第一年*
结婚第一个月里，丈夫被软禁――
问：“你们结婚是什么时候？”
答：“是2006年1月2日举办的为我们结婚与朋友们一起的聚会。”
问：“能不能简述一下，你们结婚后，胡佳被带走过多少天，因为胡佳，你承丈夫受的比较大来自当局有关方面的压力？”
答：“我们结婚聚会举办完以后，他跟我回老家。回老家之前，他曾经被软禁过一次。
结婚第二个月里，丈夫失踪――
从老家回北京以后，胡佳从2月初又开始被软禁，到2月16日，他就失踪了。距离结婚聚会整整一个半月。”
问：“在胡佳失踪的那段时间，你想了些什么，做了些什么？”
答：“开始的时候，我觉得可能像以前一样，他过一两天就会回来。可是过了一两天，他不但没有回来，而且警察都否认带走他。我就开始慌了，究竟这个人是死的还是活的，我都不知道。
我就决定做一些我该做的事情，不然的话，万一他有个三长两短，我一辈子都会后悔的。”
救丈夫多方求助，以博客翔实记录――
问：“做了些什么？”
答：“去派出所报案，去警察局申诉，去检察院控告，然后找媒体的朋友帮忙做新闻报道。然后给联合国系统的人写信，给国际人权组织写信，以及给环保的朋友、给所有做艾滋病工作的朋友，以及我们以前比较熟悉、比较关注我们的朋友写信，把这些情况都作一些通报，请求他们的帮助。
接下来就是在我的博客上，一步步记录了各部门的反馈。以及环保、艾滋病领域朋友对我的帮助。
到3月28日胡佳回来了。”
胡佳失踪四十一天归来，金燕更加理解并帮助丈夫――
问：“这次胡佳失踪，后来证明是在没任何法律手续的情况下被警察带走，一共多少天？”
答：“四十一天。”
问：“这次胡佳被释放出来后，医生诊断他患有肝硬化。你有没有劝阻他不要再从事一些比较敏感，可能会带来进一步压力的事情？”
问：“经过他失踪的事情，我就彻底对当局政府部门绝望了。我不对他们抱有幻想，我不指望他们会改变什么。所以，我更能理解胡佳。另外一方面，我更加感觉到我们需要去争取我们生存的空间。不仅仅是我们自己，还有更多的人。因为我在这个过程中接触到很多其他失踪者的家庭、遭受政治迫害的家庭。所以我更加迫切感受到应该有人去做工作，赶快把生存的空间拓展，不然的话，下一步生存空间就更成问题。所以，我不但没有阻止他，反而在生活上、工作上给他一些具体的帮助。”
瘦弱女子曾金燕，警察跟踪半年多――
问：“后来胡佳参与营救陈光诚、高智晟律师等，你们后来被软禁。。。您能不能讲讲后来发生的事情？”
答：“7月17日，开始持续长时间的软禁，一直软禁到2007年的2月16日。”
问：“你自己被跟踪有多长时间？”
答：“我在2006年7月20日开始被跟踪。”
曾金燕在接受我采访的时候说，自从胡佳失踪后，本来瘦弱的她体重急剧下降，至今没有恢复。现在身怀有孕的曾金燕，体重只有八十六斤。曾金燕更为胡佳的身体状担忧。她说：“他身体的状况，对我来说是造成最大压力的一个因素，我要全力照顾他的生活起居的时候，发现我自己都无能为力，因为我太累了，工作也很累。很长时间我都没有办法很好的休息。”
* 曾金燕：去年入选者陈光诚的妻与子 *
问：“得知自己入选《时代》周刊‘2007年度全球一百位最具影响力人物’后，您向外界发出感言，为什么首先想到陈光诚和他的家人？”
答：“陈光诚去年入选，现在在狱中。他的妻子很辛苦，白天要干农活，种花生、种地，过一段时间又该收麦子了。她现在没有办法照顾两个孩子，她把大孩子送回娘家去上学（幼儿园），大孩子就是四岁的克睿，今天是他的生日。
因为克睿一直目睹父母经受的警察的暴力对待以及这种不公平的遭遇，孩子很思念父亲，但是见不到父亲；孩子很爱母亲，又很担心母亲。他对妈妈说‘妈妈你不要出来，那些人要打你。’警察的暴力行为已经对小孩子造成很大的心理阴影。袁伟静跟我沟通的时候，也多次表达她的担忧，因为克睿上幼儿园很不合群，经常作出叛逆的事情来。我也希望在暑假的时候能把小克睿接到北京来，照顾他一段时间，让他脱离那种充满紧张和仇恨的氛围。
也有可能警察会再次软禁胡佳，但是我想他们会有更多的考虑，因为我们作了一些材料的记录，他们现在不再在我们楼下驻扎了。
另外一方面，袁伟静从2005年9月一直到现在都是被软禁的，这是让人非常屈辱的，尤其是让一个她的丈夫已经遭受不公平待遇的人，这让人非常难过。我也希望能够有办法帮助她摆脱这种状况，去尽力看有没有可能让袁伟静早一点获得自由。”
* 访仍被监视居住的陈光诚的太太袁伟静 *
去年入选者陈光诚简况――
山东盲人维权人士陈光诚先生去年入选美国《时代》周刊“2006年度全球一百位最具影响力人物”。陈光诚先生于2005年公开揭露临沂地区在计划生育中使用暴力，例如动用暴力强制堕胎、结扎，监禁、殴打当事人和他们的亲属等。
当年8月，陈光诚和他的太太袁伟静被当局有关方面软禁在家中。2006年3月陈光诚被绑架，6月21日被逮捕。今年1月12日，陈光诚案在重审时多位证人被绑架不能出庭的情况下，被以“故意毁坏财物罪和聚众扰乱交通秩序罪”判刑四年零三个月。现在在临沂市服刑。陈光诚的太太袁伟静从2005年8月被软禁在家中，后又被当地公安局以‘陈光诚的同案犯罪嫌疑人’说法监视居住至今。
我问现在在山东家中的袁伟静：“今天儿子四岁生日，有没有给在姥姥家住的儿子打电话？”
袁伟静：“没有。因为我昨天打过，我姐姐说他现在基本情绪稳定，就不让给他打电话，姐姐说他们会给他过生日。”
袁伟静：金燕年纪轻，做事令我佩服――
问：“您听到曾金燕入选2007年度全球一百位最有影响力人物之后，是什么心情？”
答：“听到这个消息，我当然特别高兴，金燕她虽然年龄不大，但是胡佳去年被抓走以后，她所做的那些事情，找了公安部门，开记者招待会。。。想尽一切办法救胡佳。毕竟她年龄还比较小，她的作法很令我佩服。实际上很多时候我也是慢慢学的。”
去年山东电视台隐去陈光诚名字――
问：“去年陈光诚先生入选，现在他还在狱中，外界对陈光诚的评价和当地对陈光诚的态度，这中间的差距这么大，您怎么看这现象？”
答：“一个差距就是信息的问题。外部可以把光诚评为这个（全球最有影响力百人），然后网络上开始传，。但是我们当地的新闻媒体也不是没有说，山东电视台新闻播报就报了，说有几位入选美国《时代》周刊全球一百个最具有影响力的人物。去年华人是五个，他就说了四个人的名字。就没说光诚的名字，到了光诚名字的地方，用了个‘等等’。但是，如果是从外界能够知道光诚作得是对的，用这种方式，我觉得也是声援、支持、鼓励他。其实当局。。。实际上我觉得他们心里也明白，光诚是对的。因为慢慢地，现在也有一部分人开始（悄悄对我）说‘光诚根本就没有错’，其中有一些就是公安人员，我心里很高兴他们能说出这样的话。虽然他们作得很恶劣，绑架他得时候那种样子，刑讯逼供。。。
每天想起刑讯逼供――
我每天早上拿起牙刷刷牙的时候，都能想到他们用牙刷去撬所谓“证人”的肋骨，不就是为了给光诚安个罪名吗？
我的一些坚强，或者说相比的坚强，也是学来的，比来的。说实在的这种跟踪对我来说，不方便当然是非常多的。但他们跟着我，我不感到是一种羞耻、不光荣的东西，而是他们感到不光荣。我现在可以视他们为不存在。
我今天听到金燕入选的消息，我当然能够想到光诚也获得过这个，但是说老实话，我没有想到他现在受罪的这种状态，我只是想到他们获奖的这种高兴的事情。（笑）
* 曾金燕的价值观：为有尊严的生活奋斗 *
我请今年的入选者、二十三岁的曾金燕扼要表述一下她行事为人的价值观。曾金燕这样说：“在我经受这些事情以前，我只是很淳朴的一种价值观，希望美好的事情能够实现，然后过一个很快乐，很无忧无虑的生活。当我经历胡佳的这些事情，我身边的朋友这些事情，自己亲身经历这些人权被侵犯的事情以后，我有一个更深刻的感觉，就是希望过一个有尊严的生活。可是如果我不为别人奋斗，不为自己奋斗，有尊严的生活不会自动地实现。”
* 访曾金燕的先生胡佳 *
胡佳：开心的早晨――
我又采访了曾金燕的先生，艾滋病方面的社会工作者、维权人士胡佳。
问：“您听到太太曾金燕入选的消息以后是什么心情？”
答：“我确实是蛮开心的。今天早晨，金燕起来以后，她嘱咐我做的第一件事情就是赶紧给袁伟静发短信，祝贺光诚的儿子陈克睿四岁生日快乐！我在发短信的时候开的电脑，接到一封电子邮件，里边说，金燕获得世界有影响力的一百人之一，我很开心告诉金燕。金燕当时也就微微笑了一下，还是嘱咐我要赶紧给嫂子袁伟静那里发短信。
后来我就把‘生日快乐’加上金燕获得全球有影响力一百人的消息发给（陈光诚的大哥）陈光福大哥和袁伟静嫂子那边。他们回的短信也让我很开心，说他们生命中非常亲密的两个人，光诚和金燕，没想到前后都进入全球有影响力的入选人中。他们说到这点，我犹为高兴。”
胡佳：心里涌动着爱意――
胡佳比金燕大十岁，他说：“现在光诚在牢狱中，作为八十年代年轻一辈的金燕，应该多做一些事情，去帮感觉助光诚和他的家人。我也应该为我的妻子感觉到骄傲。她那么小，今天有朋友在祝贺的时候，我跟朋友说‘比起光诚来讲，金燕差得很远很远呢，可能《时代》周刊是过奖了’。然后，朋友给我回的短信里说‘在咱们中国，有谁敢作你的妻子呢？我们觉得金燕是名至实归的’。我听到他们讲这个，我心里也涌动着那样一种爱意，因为的的确确朋友讲的是真的。”
胡佳：我遭打压升级，她进入我的生活――
胡佳回顾说：“在2004年的3月份，我因为去天安门广场给‘六四’死难者鲜花的时候，那个阶段我受到国保、国安的打压开始升级，也就恰恰是在那个阶段，金燕开始成为我的女朋友，到最后嫁给我。她进入我的生活，恰恰是我遭受越来越严重的挑战、压制的这个阶段。而且那些警察曾经在她还是大三学生的时候，就到学校去威胁她‘如果你再跟胡佳交往的话，你就不能够毕业’这些都没有让她动摇。
她一路这样走过来，她是来自于一个小小的，在山沟里边的土坯草屋式的那样的地方，小时候还要下田地去插秧的小姑娘，结果到现在她能站立在这个世界面前，能成为有世界影响的的一百人之一”。
胡佳：把我们的幸运变成力量――
胡佳认为他和金燕幸运：“ 我真的觉得，唉，其实我们真的是很幸运的人。我们所能做的最重要的事情，是把我们的这些幸运变成力量，用这些力量去推动我们的国家进步，推动民主自由和法制的进程。尤其这里要提到光诚，因为光诚去年入选全球影响力一百人，现在他还在牢狱中。我们应该尽所有的力量，为光诚在2007年争取到自由。
今天光福大哥说他5月8日会去探视光诚，他会把金燕入选的消息告诉光诚，让光诚高兴一下。”
胡佳：被隐去的名字，信息不完整的报道――
胡佳说，他也得知，与去年一样，一些中文媒体在公布华人入选美国《时代》周刊全球一百名最具影响力人物名单时，隐去了有的人的名字。
胡佳说：“有朋友给我们发短信，说到国内的媒体，或者说跟中国大陆有关的媒体，比如‘凤凰卫视’，与去年是完全一致的，去年他们会谈到温家宝、李安导演、黄光裕先生、马军先生。。。这些与现行体制没有任何冲突的朋友，唯独把光诚有意地抹去了。刚才，‘凤凰卫视’的吴小莉小姐在播报的时候，也是播报了（大陆入选者）胡锦涛、刘淇、马化腾唯独把金燕也是抹去了。
那么，我们觉得这真是一个很巧合很类似的，金燕也是一笑置之。
我觉得这些事情恰恰提醒我们，在中国，人们所获得信息的不完整是多么的明显。我们所能做的事情，今天我在路上还跟金燕探讨这个问题，我们一定要为言论自由和人能自由获得完整的信息去做一点事情。可能这就是我们在2007年、2008年度的一些目标吧。”
胡佳眼中的曾金燕――
当我问胡佳先生，他眼中的太太曾金燕是个什么样的人，胡佳笑说，曾金燕说话细声细气，像个小女孩，以至于在家里接有的朋友打来的电话，对方说“你是胡佳的孩子吧，我找你爸爸”。
其实，胡佳的孩子现在正孕育在金燕腹中。
胡佳谈他眼中的金燕，说：“她是属于脆弱得那么坚强的一类，表达起来好像很矛盾。她是那么脆弱、多愁善感的一个人，但是真正面对挑战的时候，她往往不会倒下。她经常跟我说，她是站在临界点上，就要崩溃那样的，但是她每一次都会自己走过来，所以我真的感觉到，一个普通人，一个普通的这么年轻的女性，她所能发挥的力量真的是无穷的。
胡佳：跨越王权走向民权的时代――
我特别想从她的例子告诉每一个人、每一个我们的炎黄子孙，尤其是生活在中国大陆在这个现行体制下的年轻人。真的大家应该很自信，一个我们能做的事情太多太多了，我们能推动历史的进步、社会的发展。
我们在这样一个幸运的时刻，几千年难逢的这样一个是能推动我们民族跨越王权，走向民权的的时代，真的是我们施展的天地。
胡佳：爱是莫大的力量――
其实金燕处处给我的只不过用一个字就能够表达，就是爱。无论是在每一步，在我失踪的时候，我受到苦难的时候，包括她在编一些小片子，我在被软禁期间她编的那个（录影）片子，我看完以后能感受到的只有这一个字，就是爱。
我觉得这个爱，真是莫大的力量！”
以上“心灵之旅”节目是张敏在美国首都华盛顿采访编辑、主持制作。节目可在自由亚洲电台网页WWW.RFA.ORG普通话“心灵之旅”专栏收听，听更多节目可用Google 搜索“心灵之旅档案库”。
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